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According to the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), at least 165 Palestinian journalists have been killed since the Israel-Hamas war began in October 2023. In fact, according to CPJ, last year was the deadliest year for journalists worldwide since they began documenting deaths in 1992.
Gathering aerial footage of Gaza is a dangerous task, and Bellingcat along with our partners at Forbidden Stories, Le Monde, Die Zeit, Der Standard, Paper Trail Media, Arab Reporters for Investigative Journalism (ARIJ) and RFI identified several cases where drone journalists were killed or injured shortly after capturing aerial images.
The Gaza Project is a collaborative investigation coordinated by Forbidden Stories, involving more than 40 journalists representing 12 media outlets (Forbidden Stories, Paper Trail Media, RFI, Bellingcat, Die Zeit, Le Monde, France 24, ARIJ, The Seventh Eye/Shakuf +972 Magazine, ZDF and Der Standard) who continued the work of Gazan journalists and investigated about the threats and difficulties they are facing.
Israel said early on in the war it could not guarantee safety of journalists in Gaza. Hamas has also been known to use drones to target Israel Defense Forces (IDF) positions and has used drone footage in propaganda videos. The investigative consortium contacted the IDF about the cases mentioned in this story, how they determined the drones posed a threat, the IDF rules of engagement with drones and how they define someone as a terrorist. The IDF did not answer specific questions about individual cases, nor did they provide further details about the two individuals in this piece, but they did tell us the IDF rejects outright the allegation of systemic attack on journalists.
“The IDF cannot address operational directives and regulations as they are classified. However, every operational action or strike is mandated by IDF directives, which instruct commanders to apply the basic rules of the law of armed conflict,” they said.
The full cost of the war still needs to be assessed through on the ground visits, when a permanent ceasefire is agreed, but in the meantime, satellite imagery combined with drone footage and other imagery captured by journalists in Gaza has been critical to lay bare the level of destruction.
For instance, a brief drone video lasting just over one minute and published in January this year by the AFP news agency after the first phase of the recent ceasefire was implemented, shows the rubble of scores of hollowed-out homes in Rafah. Some are completely levelled, others severely damaged.
The most recent interim damage assessment compiled by the World Bank, European Union and United Nations estimates almost 300,000 homes have been damaged or destroyed across Gaza and that 95% of hospitals are non-functional.
In order to continue the reporting on the extent of damage caused by the war in Gaza, Bellingcat and our partners are sharing satellite imagery and using a 3D model technique called photogrammetry to capture and show the areas the journalists had been filming or were unable to report on.
Abdallah Al-Hajj: Documenting Al-Shati Refugee Camp
On February 15, 2024, about six months into the conflict, the United Nations shared a short video on social media showing dozens of hollowed out or partially collapsed buildings located in Gaza City’s Al-Shati Refugee Camp. The video starts with a birds-eye view filmed by a drone that shows entire blocks levelled in the compact neighbourhood.
Over the course of more than 12 months of conflict, Al-Shati Refugee Camp saw heavy destruction.
The neighbourhood and its surroundings were an early target for IDF ground operations inside Gaza, with the IDF announcing in mid-November 2023 that it had completely captured the area. The IDF said it was a main Hamas stronghold. One video geolocated by a Geoconfirmed volunteer shows the heavily damaged coastal side of the Al-Shati Refugee Camp a year later. The camp also abuts an archeological site to the north that was potentially damaged by the ground operation and airstrikes, as previously documented by Bellingcat and Forensic Architecture.
The images shared by UNRWA were filmed using a drone by Palestinian journalist Abdallah Al-Hajj. Nine days after they were posted online, he was back filming in the same area when he was seriously injured in an Israeli army strike, losing both his legs.
Previous photos taken by Al-Hajj had been shared by UNRWA earlier that month and almost 300 of his photos were included on UNRWA’s film and photo archive, with some aerial photos taken by Al-Hajj as early as 2020. He had previously worked as a photojournalist for the Jerusalem-based, Palestinian newspaper Al Quds as well as other media.
Speaking to our partners Forbidden Stories, Al-Hajj said he felt a journalistic responsibility to continue filming in Gaza during the war but took several precautions including only filming when clashes were over and when there was no immediate conflict in the vicinity. On the day he was injured, he said he’d only filmed with the drone for about five minutes and completed the filming when he was hit. He told our partners at Forbidden Stories he wasn’t wearing his press vest because he felt identifying himself as a journalist put him at greater risk.
The IDF previously told Le Monde that it had “eliminated by an IAF aircraft” a “terrorist cell using a drone, posing an imminent threat to forces in the Shati area.” Apparently the same strike was referenced in this reporting from February 25.
It’s not clear where the threatened forces referred to in the IDF statement were. It was reported that the IDF conducted a two-week-long raid in Al-Shati Refugee Camp in early February but it was apparently finished by February 15.
Based on SkySat imagery from Planet Labs, IDF vehicles were visible earlier in the month on February 8 about 2.5km from Al-Shati Refugee Camp near Gaza City’s Islamic University campus. The vehicles were gone a week later in February 14 imagery.
Photos and videos show that the IDF were present about 3.5km south of Al-Shati Refugee Camp along the Al-Rashid Road throughout the month of February, though it’s not clear if they were still present at the location when Al-Hajj was filming.
After the strike, SkySat imagery from Planet Labs shows that Al-Hajj’s home south of Gaza City in the Zeitoun neighbourhood was destroyed. It was standing in February 24 imagery but in February 28 imagery showed that it was gone.
We asked the IDF about Al-Hajj’s case including asking them to explain the immediate threat that was posed by the drone, why he was hit and what information they had about him but they did not respond to specific questions about this case.
Al-Hajj told our partners Forbidden Stories the accusation that he was part of a terrorist cell or affiliated with Hamas was a “false and unfounded charge.”
Additionally he said he was checked by IDF troops twice after the incident, in Al-Shifa Hospital where he was admitted and again when he left the Gaza Strip via a Netzarim checkpoint to travel to Qatar for medical treatment. “If I were Hamas, I would not have gone out of the Gaza Strip for treatment,” he said.
To continue documenting the changes in Al-Shati Refugee Camp brought about by the war, Bellingcat used drone images provided by Forbidden Stories to create a 3D model of the current state of the area through photogrammetry, a technique that reconstructs objects in 3D by analysing the parallax between multiple photos.
Forbidden Stories also provided drone images of Jabalia, previously one of the most inaccessible areas in Gaza for journalists, which Bellingcat used to create an additional 3D model.
Photogrammetry
Photogrammetry is the science of extracting measurements from photographs. In this case, photogrammetry is employed to extract large scale, measured 3D models from a dataset of aerial photographs of Gaza captured by a drone.
Bellingcat processed the 3D models of Jabalia Refugee Camp and Al-Shati Refugee Camp using Agisoft Metashape, which requires a paid license. Alternative open-source programs for photogrammetry include Meshroom and COLMAP.
The 3D models were created from the drone photos in four steps, though different steps may be applicable to different scenarios. First, corresponding features are detected and matched between images. Then, using the corresponding features, camera positions are triangulated using the camera parameters (ie. focal length, pixel size, lens distortion) and repeatedly adjusted to increase the accuracy of the reconstructed camera positions through bundle block adjustment. Next, depth maps are created for each image using dense stereo matching, which compares images from similar viewpoints to find the small differences between them caused by parallax. These depth maps are used to create a 3D mesh that serves as an accurate recreation of Gaza. Finally, a texture is created by projecting the original drone photos onto the mesh in a way that seamlessly blends them, giving the final result of a photorealistic and dimensionally accurate 3D model.
Photogrammetry and the 3D models do have some shortcomings – in particular, areas not visible to the camera cannot be accurately reconstructed, such as the insides of heavily damaged buildings that are hidden by overhanging floor slabs. Further, the varying distance between the camera and the features it captures leads to variances in the level of detail in the model, as does the varying number of photographs of any given feature – for example the narrow alleys in Al-Shati Refugee Camp can only be seen from certain angles in the photogrammetry, meaning they aren’t as accurately depicted as more visible areas such as the courtyards of UNRWA schools in Jabalia Refugee Camp.
While satellite images can be difficult to interpret and are limited in resolution, the 3D models produced with photogrammetry allow viewers to place themselves in the environment. This approach provides an unparalleled look at the landscape of Gaza after nearly eighteen months of war, including buildings reduced to rubble, craters left behind by intense bombing, and thousands of tents sheltering displaced persons. A similar technique has been used in other open source investigations, notably in the recreation of the Mariupol Drama Theatre in Ukraine which was used as a civilian shelter until it was bombed by Russian forces in 2022, as well as numerous investigations by Forensic Architecture.
Within the models presented on this page, we have identified key sites including schools, homes and areas damaged by fighting.
Mustapha Thuraya: Documenting Al-Nasr Village/Moraj
About a month before Al-Hajj was injured in Al-Shati Refugee Camp, Mustapha Thuraya and his colleague Hamza Al-Dahdouh were killed in an IDF strike while they were driving in southern Gaza on their way back from reporting in Al-Nasr Village. Thuraya was a freelance video journalist who had filmed for Al Jazeera, AFP, Reuters, and Getty Images among others. He was killed on January 7, 2024 in Al-Nasr Village northeast of Rafah, shortly after filming with his drone.
According to reporting by the Washington Post, Thuraya and Al-Dahdouh arrived at the location about 10:30am, when an airstrike forced them to leave the area by car. They were following an ambulance when they were struck while on the road at approximately 11:10am.
Thuraya began actively covering the war not long after it started, sharing dozens of videos on his social media pages. In many of the videos, his drone controls are visible in his hands as he filmed himself in front of scenes of destruction. In some of the videos he can be seen wearing a press vest, though it is unclear if he was wearing it on the day he was hit.
The final thing Thuraya filmed with his drone was the site of an IDF airstrike in southern Gaza that took place the same day. The area he was filming is a rural part of southern Gaza that sits between Khan Yunis to the north and Rafah to the south. Overall, the area was relatively untouched by Israeli ground operations, though satellite imagery shows that the IDF cleared a small area of greenhouses within 1km of the airstrike location in late July and August 2024. Recent Planet Labs imagery from January 2025 shows that most of the larger area is still intact, including the majority of the greenhouses.
Before and after satellite imagery from Planet Labs shows the location where Mustafa Thuraya and his colleagues were filming shortly before they left in their vehicle and were killed while on the road south. The most recent imagery shows that some greenhouses have been destroyed but otherwise the area is largely unchanged. Credit: Planet Labs PBC.
The IDF initially claimed the January 7 strike on Thuraya and Al-Dahdouh’s car was in response to drone activity that posed a threat to IDF troops. They later released further reasoning for the strike, stating that Israel’s military intelligence department had confirmed that Dahdouh was a member of Palestinian Islamic Jihad and Thuraya was a member of Hamas, — something rejected by both Al Jazeera, which they were working for at the time — and the journalists’ families.
The Washington Post, quoting Thuraya’s friend and fellow journalist Shadi al-Tabatiby, said Thuraya had previously worked for around five years as a photographer for the Ministry of Religious Endowments, part of Gaza’s Hamas-led government. It’s not clear when his employment ended.
Our analysis found the closest potential IDF activity to where the strike on Thuraya’s vehicle took place — clearing activity that was visible near a cluster of buildings — was more than 5km away, something that’s visible in Planet SkySat imagery from the day of the strike. An analysis from The Washington Post came to a similar conclusion regarding the IDF presence near where Thuraya was filming, even though they analysed a smaller area, finding no evidence of IDF military activity or deployments within 2km of the site.
The Washington Post was also able to review the drone footage filmed by Thuraya and found that no IDF “soldiers, aircraft or other military equipment” was visible in the footage.
The IDF did not respond to the consortium’s specific questions about Thuraya and the circumstances surrounding his killing.
While the area in southern Gaza that Thuraya was filming before he was killed has remained mostly unchanged, Rafah — where he and Al-Dahdouh were returning to following the filming — has been decimated.
Drone imagery is still dangerous to capture in the south, even during the ceasefire. AFP published drone footage shortly after the first phase of the ceasefire was agreed, but it only covered a small area in Rafah. High resolution satellite imagery remains one of our best ways to observe the mass destruction in Rafah. Bellingcat covered this in August last year, but since then more buildings have been destroyed with entire neighborhoods that were previously standing demolished, particularly near the border areas.
Hundreds of buildings in both the central Rafah area near the large marketplace and the Al-Ganinam neighbourhood have been demolished. The few remaining buildings in the Tal as-Sultan neighbourhood we examined in the August investigation have also been razed to the ground.
Bellingcat is sharing the same satellite imagery analyzed in last year’s piece alongside more recent Planet imagery captured after the ceasefire on January 30 2025.
Other Drone Journalists Slain and Photogrammetry of Jabalia
Prior to the ceasefire the Committee to Protect Journalists identified at least three other drone journalists who were killed in IDF strikes, but we have not been able to find further open source details on circumstances around their deaths.
One area that was difficult to film prior to the recent ceasefire because it was too dangerous was the Jabalia Refugee Camp and its surrounding area. This was one of the worst affected areas of Gaza, which Bellingcat documented earlier this year.
Bellingcat was able to create a photogrammetry model of one of the worst hit areas in Jabalia Refugee Camp using drone footage provided by Forbidden Stories which was captured during the recent ceasefire.
Ongoing Risks to Palestinian Journalists in Gaza
On Saturday, March 15, two IDF air strikes in the northern Gaza city of Beit Lahia killed at least seven people, including Mahmoud Samir Isleem Al-Basos also known as Mahmoud Al-Basos, a drone journalist who previously provided work to Reuters and the Turkish news agency Anadolu
Among the dead were aid workers and cameramen on a mission for the London-based Al-Khair Foundation who said they were filming preparations of a Ramadan iftar meal and documenting site preparation for the extension of the camp.
“We were deeply saddened to learn that journalist Mahmoud Al-Basos, whose work Reuters published in the past few weeks, was killed in Gaza by an Israeli strike while on a mission for the Al-Khair Foundation. Our thoughts are with his family at this difficult time,” a Reuters spokesperson told us.
Mahmoud Samir Isleem Al-Basos was previously hired by Forbidden Stories to film drone footage for this project during the recent ceasefire. This initiative aimed to continue the work of drone journalists who had been killed while documenting the war and help readers visualise the unprecedented scale of destruction through detailed 3D aerial maps.
The IDF stated the March 15 strikes targeted “terrorists,” including two operating a drone, and released a list of names and photos. The IDF statement contained misidentifications and names of individuals the media office in Gaza said had not been killed, causing confusion.
Mahmoud Samir Isleem Al-Basos was neither named nor pictured in the list published by the IDF. Instead, the IDF listed another individual, with a similar name, describing him as a “Hamas terrorist operating under journalistic cover,” and said there was a link between the drone used in Beit Lahia and Islamic Jihad.
However, the consortium’s investigations indicate the individual named by the IDF has no direct link to Mahmoud Samir Isleem Al-Basos, and was not killed in the strike.
Al-Khair Foundation said, meanwhile, they “utterly refute” any claims that their team were connected to militants. They say that the members were deliberately targeted while on a “purely humanitarian mission.”
We geolocated the two strikes in Beit Lahia, and according to our findings, the first was approximately 2km from the Israeli border and an IDF outpost situated nearby and the second approximately 3km away, raising questions about the threat described by the IDF.
Asked twice by the consortium to provide evidence to support the different accusations, the IDF refused, stating it “will not elaborate on the published statements”.
The Committee to Protect Journalists have added Mahmoud Samir Isleem Al-Basos to their list of slain journalists.
Different Takes on Drones and IDF Response
Reserve Lieutenant Colonel Maurice Hirsch, who served for 19 years in the Israeli army’s legal corps, told our partners at Paper Trail Media there is an inherent risk in flying a drone during a conflict in proximity to fighting forces.
He said if a soldier spotted a drone in a combat zone near fighting forces, “I certainly wouldn’t assume any wrongdoing if that drone and its operators were targeted (…) it wouldn’t be unreasonable to assume they were part of an enemy force.”
Our partners at Forbidden Stories also spoke to IDF reservist Michael Ofer-Ziv who served during the recent conflict, including for the first two months of the war in the Israeli military centre of Sde Teiman where he spent his time observing black-and-white footage filmed from Gaza. His role was to verify that the IDF wasn’t firing on its own soldiers. Ofer-Ziv completed his tour in December and has refused to return to service, signing a letter stating that he is no longer willing to participate in the war.
“At no point during this war did I receive an official document outlining the rules of engagement. And that’s a problem, because it leaves a lot of room for interpretation,” he said.
He didn’t know of the Gazan drone journalists we investigated but said there was an “understanding and a general vibe in the war room” that “if you see anyone piloting a drone, and that drone is not ours, you shoot the drone and the person who uses it, no questions asked.”
Asked about journalists using drones he told Forbidden Stories: “We never spoke of it.”
We contacted the IDF as part of the investigative consortium and asked whether they had a specific policy for dealing with drones in Gaza, and if so how they distinguished civilians from military targets. We asked about the individual cases listed above but were not provided any further details. The IDF has previously claimed that Thuraya was a member of Hamas, a claim which Al Jazeera and his family deny, and stated they hit a “terrorist cell” target in the IDF strike that injured Al-Hajj. Al-Hajj says this a “false and unfounded” charge.
The IDF did not answer specific questions about individual cases, nor did they provide further details or evidence about the incidents outlined above, but they told us the IDF rejects outright the allegation of systemic attack on journalists.
“The IDF cannot address operational directives and regulations as they are classified. However, every operational action or strike is mandated by IDF directives, which instruct commanders to apply the basic rules of the law of armed conflict (LOAC).”
They reiterated that the IDF is committed to principles of distinction, proportionality and precautions and that the IDF only strikes members of organised armed groups and individuals directly participating in hostilities. They told us some of the people listed by Forbidden Stories were members of Hamas’ military wing and were therefore lawful targets under international law, but they did not provide evidence to support this.
They also told us that “the IDF takes all feasible measures to mitigate harm to civilians, including journalists. Regarding objects, the IDF only strikes military objects. The IDF does not deliberately strike civilian objects, including those affiliated with media outlets or belonging to journalists, provided that they are not legitimate military targets.”
In their reply, they stated “the incidents have been referred to relevant mechanisms for further investigation.” But did not confirm whether the specific cases highlighted here are being investigated, and did not specify which incidents they were referring to. They also stated that exceptional incidents are subject to lessons-learned processes and are thoroughly examined and addressed accordingly by the appropriate enforcement mechanisms, and may lead the relevant cases to command, disciplinary, or criminal measures.
Press Freedom Experts
The Committee to Protect Journalists told us that drone use for journalism is still a relatively new trend.
“We encourage journalists generally to do their own risk assessments depending on their own situation on a case by case basis,” Doja Daoud, CPJ’s Levant Program Coordinator, told us.
She made clear that: “A journalist shouldn’t be killed and should be protected under international law.”
Daoud said CPJ had documented cases where drone journalists were killed. And in at least one case, a journalist had told them his drone had been disabled or controlled remotely.
“So there are other ways to deal with a drone, even in conflict areas or in a proximity of Israeli soldiers, without killing a journalist.”
As for IDF claims about journalists being combatants, Daoud said in many cases, including that of Mustapha Thuraya, CPJ is still yet to see any clear proof.
“Israel has repeatedly made similar unproven claims without producing any credible evidence. And to date CPJ has documented multiple cases with no evidence at all that any journalist was engaged in militant activity.”
“Attempts to smear, delegitimise, and criminalise journalists who are doing their job are outrageous and irresponsible as they put journalists at further risk. And targeting journalists with disinformation endangers them more.”
Irene Khan, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression and Opinion told us that with no western reporters allowed in, local Palestinian journalists, “are putting their lives on the line so that we may be better informed on what is happening and so that the atrocities being performed there can be exposed.”
Using drones to show what’s happening has only increased that risk, with Khan adding that since using commercial drones as a tool is still relatively new — for both journalists and combatants — and the rules are less clear.
“International humanitarian law does not say that you are not allowed to use drones, because it is a civilian object and there are many civilian objects that can be converted and used for military purposes. But it is not wrong as a civilian to use it.”
But, Khan says, the onus is on the combatants — the IDF and armed groups in Gaza — to ensure civilians are not being targeted if it’s difficult to distinguish the purpose of a drone. From a legal point of view, international humanitarian law heavily favours journalists.
“So the onus is actually on the combatants to make sure that if we cannot distinguish, then we need to do more to ascertain whether we might, by mistake, kill a civilian, we might kill a journalist.”
“And in all those areas, I think the standards that the IDF seem to be applying are lower than what I would call due diligence. I think there has been a tendency on the side of the IDF to assume that some of these journalists have links with Hamas and therefore are legitimate targets.”
With such a high journalist death toll throughout the war, Khan says there needs to be more done to protect journalists in the future — including carrying out independent investigations.
“I come back to the issue of impunity. It has to be addressed. So every time a journalist is killed, there should be a full investigation as to what happened and to make sure that if there was a mistake made, what are they doing correcting those mistakes? … And I don’t understand if the IDF is so sure that they didn’t make a mistake, why are they not allowing others to come in and investigate it?”
In one of the cases where the IDF completed an investigation into one of its strikes on civilians, they said its strikes on a World Central Kitchen aid convoy last year was the result of aid workers being misidentified as gunmen. A major and colonel were dismissed and a brigade commander was formally reprimanded.
Some Palestinian journalists are continuing to film with mobile phones, cameras and drones, despite the risks.
With the recent ceasefire collapse, the risk to journalists operating on the ground is likely to increase again, heavily restricting our view of the impact of the conflict on Palestinian communities in the Gaza strip.